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馬丁路德金恩博士 I have a dream演講稿(英文版)

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.

We cannot walk alone.

And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.

We cannot turn back.

There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their self-hood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating: "For Whites Only." We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."¹

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.

Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.

And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."2

This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.

With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.

Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride,

From every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.

And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.

Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.

Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.

Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.

But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.

Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.

From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

And when this happens, and when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:

               Free at last! Free at last!

               Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!3

馬丁路德金恩博士 I have a dream演講稿(中文版)

我很高興參加今天跟你在什麼名垂青史作為自由在我們國家的歷史上最偉大的示威。

一百年前， 一位偉大的美國人簽署了“ 解放宣言“，今天我們就站在其象徵性的身影， 。這項重要法令的頒布，作為一個偉大的燈塔的光芒，希望數以百萬計的黑奴已深深烙在非正義殘焰的。它之到來猶如歡樂的黎明，結束漫漫長夜裡，他們的囚禁。

但一百年後的今天，黑人仍然是不自由。一百年後的今天，黑人依然悲慘地蹣跚種族隔離的鐐銬和種族歧視的枷鎖。一百年後的今天，黑人依然生活在物質繁榮的汪洋大海之中的貧困孤島上。一百年後的今天，黑人仍然萎縮在美國社會的角落裡，發現自己在自己的土地上流亡。今天我們來到這裡，以駭人聽聞的情況公諸於眾。

在某種意義上，我們已經來到我們國家的首都是為了兌現一張支票。當我們共和國的締造者寫下憲法和獨立宣言的氣壯山河的詞句時，就簽署了一張期票，每一個美國人都能繼承的期票。這說明是一個承諾，所有的人，是，黑人和白人，將保證“的”生命權，自由權和追求幸福的不可剝奪的權利“。” 很明顯，今天，美國已經拖欠著這張期票，只要她的有色公民而言。美國沒有承兌這筆神聖的債務，而是給黑人一張空頭支票，支票退了回來蓋著“資金不足”。

但是，我們決不相信正義的銀行已經破產。我們決不相信這個國家機會的巨大拱頂，有足夠的資金。因此，我們來兌現這張支票。這張支票將給我們以寶貴的自由和正義的保障。

我們也紛紛來到這個聖地也是為了提醒美國：現在正是萬分緊急的。這是沒有時間從事侈談冷靜下來或採取漸進主義的鎮靜劑。現在是時候讓真正的民主諾言的。現在是時候從種族隔離黑暗荒涼的峽谷走上種族公平的金光大道上升。現在是時候把我們的國家從種族不平等的流沙兄弟情誼的磐石。現在是時候做出公正的現實所有上帝的孩子。

國家忽視的時刻的緊迫性，這將是致命的。黑人的合法不滿的悶熱夏季將不會過去，直到自由和平等的爽朗秋天。十九63不是一個結束，而是一個開端。而那些希望黑人只是需要出出氣，現在將內容將有一個粗魯的覺醒，如果國家照常營業。在美國就不可能有安寧或平靜，除非黑人公民權。反抗的旋風將繼續震撼我們國家的基礎，直至光輝燦爛的正義之日來臨。

但有一些話我必須要說我的人，誰站在通向正義之宮艱險門檻上的：在我們爭取合法地位的過程中，我們絕不能犯的錯誤言行。讓我們不要為了滿足對自由的渴望喝一杯苦澀和仇恨的，。我們鬥爭時必須永遠舉止得體，紀律嚴明的高度。我們不能容許我們富有創造性的抗議淪為暴力行動。一次又一次，我們應該不斷昇華到用靈魂力量對付肉體力量的崇高境界。

席捲黑人社會的新的奇蹟般的戰鬥不能導致我們所有白人的不信任，我們的許多白人兄弟，他們的存在證明今天在這裡，已經認識到，他們的命運同我們的命運是緊密相連的。他們已經認識到，他們的自由同我們的自由是息息相關的。

我們不能獨自行走。

我們走，我們必須作出的承諾，我們將勇往直前。

我們不能回頭。

有那些人都在問熱心民權運動，“你們什麼時候會感到滿意？” 只要黑人依然是不堪形容的警察暴行恐怖的犧牲品，我們就決不會滿意。只要我們的身體，我們就決不會滿意，重旅途的疲勞，不能獲得的高速公路和城市旅館住宿的汽車旅館。只要黑人的基本活動是從一個較小的一個較大的貧民區，我們就決不會滿意。我們就決不會滿意，只要我們的孩子被剝奪了他們的自我罩跡象指出：“僅供白人和搶劫他們的尊嚴。” 我們不能滿意，因為只要密西西比州的黑人不能參加選舉，在紐約有一個黑人認為他沒有投票。不，不，我們不會滿意，我們不會滿意，直至“公正似水奔流，正義如泉噴湧。” ¹

我不能不注意到，你們有些人來到這裡巨大的考驗和磨難。你們有些人剛剛走出狹小的牢房。你們有些人來自你的追求 - 追求自由的地方給你留下飽受遭受迫害風暴襲擊和警察暴行的風交錯。您已經飽經風霜，歷盡苦難。繼續工作與信仰的無辜受苦終得拯救。回到密西西比去，回到阿拉巴馬，回到南卡羅來納去，回到佐治亞去，回到路易斯安那去，回到我們北方城市中的貧民窟和黑人居住區去吧，知道，這種情況能夠而且將會改變。

我們不要陷入絕望的山谷中，我說今天給你，我的朋友。

所以，即使我們面對困難的今天和明天，我仍然有一個夢想。這是一個夢深深植根於美國夢之中。

我有一個夢想：有一天，這個國家將會奮起，實現它的信條的真正含義：“我們認為這些真理是不言而喻的，即所有的人都生來平等。”

我有一個夢想有一天，在佐治亞州的紅色山崗上，昔日奴隸的兒子和昔日奴隸主的兒子坐在一起，共敘兄弟情誼就能。

我有一個夢想：有一天，甚至密西西比州，一個國家不公正的熱量，悶熱悶熱的熱壓迫的狀態，將轉變成一個自由和正義的綠洲。

我有一個夢想，我的四個小孩將有一天生活在一個國家，在那裡他們將無法判斷自己的皮膚的顏色，而是由他們的性格的內容。

今天我有一個夢想！

我有一個夢想，有一天， ð Ø WN在阿拉巴馬州，其惡性的種族主義者，該州州長現在仍滔滔不絕地“插入”和“無效”的話-一個正確的，在阿拉巴馬州的黑人小男孩和黑色女孩將能攜手小白人男孩和女孩，像兄弟姐妹一樣。

今天我有一個夢想！

我有一個夢想：有一天，每一個峽谷將升高，每一座山頭被削低，崎嶇粗糙的地方將平原，彎彎曲曲的地方變得筆直，“不得洩露和主的榮耀凡有血氣的必看到它在一起。“

這是我們的希望，這是懷著這一信念我回到南方。

有了這個信念，我們將能夠開採出一塊希望之石絕望之山。有了這個信念，我們將能夠改變我們的國家的刺耳的不和音，變成了美麗的兄弟情誼交響曲。有了這個信念，我們將能工作在一起，祈禱在一起，奮鬥在一起，一起赴監獄，一起為自由站起來，知道我們將免費一天。

這將是一天 - 這將是一天，當所有上帝的孩子將能夠以新的含義高唱：

你，甜蜜的土地自由我的祖國，我為您歌唱。

土地是我祖先終老的地方，朝聖者的驕傲，

從每一片山坡上，讓自由之聲響徹

如果美國要成為一個偉大的國家，這必須成為現實。

讓自由之聲從新罕布什爾州的巍峨峰巔。

讓自由之聲從紐約州的崇山峻嶺。

讓自由之聲響徹賓夕法尼亞州的阿勒格尼高峰。

讓自由之聲從白雪皚皚的科羅拉多洛磯山。

讓自由之聲從加利福尼亞州蜿蜒的群峰響起。

但不僅如此：

讓自由之聲從佐治亞州的石嶺。

讓自由之聲從田納西州的瞭望山。

讓自由之聲響徹密西西比州的每一座丘陵響起。

從每一片山坡上，讓自由之聲響徹。

而且當這種情況發生，以及當我們讓自由之聲轟響，當我們讓這環從每一個村莊和每一個小村莊，從每一個國家和每一個城市，我們將是能夠加快那一天，當所有上帝的孩子，黑人男子和白色男人，猶太人和非猶太人，新教徒和天主教徒，將能攜手同唱古老的黑人靈的話：

               終於自由了！終於自由了！

               感謝上帝，我們終於自由了！